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Recognising the Inevitable Split in the Anglican/Episcopal World
Many of these orthodox may not yet be fully conscious of this change. It is in some ways subtle, in the tone and frequency of blog posts and other communications among those who have for so long been engaged in this fight. There is a sense of resignation that TEO is inexorably going to do what it will do to convert itself into a secular, social-justice based organization, using the Bible only insofar as it can be turned to justify their secular goals. If one is not yet convinced, the upcoming Glasspool consecration should be the nail in the proverbial coffin of belief in the possibility to “reform” TEO back into a Christian organization.
GAFCON has, through Archbishop Kolini, specific actions to be taken within the overall Communion to advance the cause of the orthodox, including probably rejection of the Covenant. In so doing, is it possible that a line has been drawn in the sand that could lead to the orthodox, particularly the Global South, rendering Canterbury further down the road toward complete irrelevancy? And, GAFCON’s open embrace of Abp. Bob Duncan, +Mark Lawrence, and others from among the North American orthodox clergy is an obvious step away from Canterbury.
My question is this: why did anyone think it would turn out differently?
In the years since I’ve been a part of the Anglican/Episcopal blogosphere, I’ve worked under the following assumptions:
- The Episcopal Church is irredeemably revisionist, and that’s putting it politely. It’s been that way since the days of wine and James Pike and the local resistance movements haven’t changed the general character of the church. A “new deal” for North American Anglicans is needed, with or without the previously occupied property.
- The Church of England, for reasons political and otherwise, cannot be counted on to buttress the orthodox, irrespective of its Evangelical and Anglo-Catholic constituencies.
- The best hope for a serious orthodox Anglicanism in the world is, literally, out of Africa. This is also good for everyone else, because it fulfils the promise of a multicultural body of believers (not sceptics) that is embodied in the New Testament from Acts 2 onward. I know it’s inspired me to look at my own church in a different light.
- The Anglican Covenant is not only a non-starter in a group of churches which is so divergent in belief; it’s a conduit for all kinds of First World mischief to be propagated through money favouring.
It’s sad if understandable to read of blog post after blog post of people who have some kind of hope that an infusion of ecclesiastical authority coming from somewhere (Canterbury is the usual object of affection) will make things “all better.” But we all know that the gap between the promise of hope and change vs. the reality can be very dramatic.
The good news is that Anglicanism, thanks to the dedication of many, the medium of the Internet, and the blessings of God, has done things I wouldn’t have thought were possible, had I not seen them for myself. It’s time to celebrate what’s good and move forward with the mission that Our Lord left us and not worry so much about how we might have liked for things to come out.
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Orthodox Jews on the Dole in a Big Way
But Ben-David said the government has relied too heavily on a quick fix. With heavy lobbying from ultra-Orthodox parties that often prove crucial in forming government coalitions, Israel has increased welfare payments fivefold since 1970, while the standard of living has doubled, he said.
Nearly a decade ago, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was then finance minister, won praise for slashing welfare payments, including monthly per-child allowances. But last year Netanyahu, in a nod to his right-wing coalition partners, agreed to nearly double some child allowances.
Reasons differ for the non-employment of Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.
Over the last 30 years, the percentage of working ultra-Orthodox men has decreased because of government programs that subsidize their religious study, experts say.
Such programs are now facing a backlash from Israel’s secular and non-Orthodox citizens. A radio talk-show host recently described ultra-Orthodox Jews as “parasites.” Tel Aviv’s mayor said the fast-growing ultra-Orthodox community was “endangering” the economic strength of the “silent majority.”
But defenders of the ultra-Orthodox credit them with preserving Israel’s Jewish identity, saying that without the high birth rates of ultra-Orthodox families, Israel could see an Arab majority in future generations.
The Evangelicals should try this in the US, if they really want to bring their left-wing opponents to heel in a hurry. OTOH, the threat of millions of “religious right fanatics” going on the dole en masse just might make the left think twice before expanding the welfare state.
It’s not good for Israel (the Israeli Arabs are in the same boat, for a different reason) but the possibility for mischief vis-à-vis our secularist masters is endless.
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War at the Opera: Opening of Richard Wagner's Tannhäuser in Paris
“Classical” music is widely perceived to be boring, but one composer that succeeded in changing that (if we ignore the sheer length of his operas) was Richard Wagner. Controversial in life and death, he changed the face of Western music in ways that few have, even (in some ways) paving the way for cinematic music of the following century.
With initial success in Germany, Wagner brought his opera Tannhäuser to Paris, which opened 13 March 1861. The style was completely new to the Parisians. Things didn’t go smoothly, as described by Adolphe Jullien in his book Richard Wagner: His Life and Works:
The first tableau, although it was written quite in Wagner’s latest style, passed without opposition, but when after the change of scene, the strains of the little shepherd were heard, playing upon his pipe, the first murmur of discontent arose. Wagner, who sat in the director’s box, as yet quite innocent of the meaning of this demonstration, leaned forward in order to command a better view of the audience-room, and remarked to his collaborator who sat beside him: “It is the arrival of the emperor (Napoleon III).” Alas no! It was the first sign of rebellion from the leaders of the opposition.
In the entr’acte a bright idea for amusing themselves crossed the minds of these individuals; most of the subscribers, members of the Jockey-Club or of the Cercle Impérial, went out and bought up all of the hunting-whistles they could find in a certain gunsmith’s shop in the passage de l’Opera, and the disturbance recommenced with the second act, increasing to the very end of the performance, save during the march with the chorus, when the whistlers had to subside. It must be said that in this uproar, the chevaliers of the corps de ballet had been sustained by the personal enemies of the master (Wagner)–he always excelled in creating them–while the impartial spectators, indignant at such pre-conceived hostility, and at such as scandalous outrage, joined their bravos, often very warm ones, to those of Wagner’s friends.
For an instant it seemed as if the victory would remain to the defenders; but the finale to the second act, encumbered with harps and troubadours, brought irrevocable defeat; of the third, nothing could be distinguished, and the recitative of the pilgrimage to Rome, in particular, the real climax to the whole work, was drowned from beginning to end in furious yells. The interpreters, however, did not give way before these hostile demonstrations, and at least two distinguished people in the room bravely defended the author: Mme. won Metternich, who seemed to wish to be revenged upon Solferino; and the emperor, who on several occasions gave the signal for applause.
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Why is Right-Wing Campaign Food Better Than Left-Wing Campaign Food?
Ben Macintyre at the Times wants to know, and so do we:
On the Cameron plane in Scotland: prosciutto, mozzarella and peach salad, followed by rare roast lamb on a bed of lentils, with chocolate mousse for dessert. On the Brown bus, in Scotland: a bottle of Irn-Bru and a curly sandwich. George W. Bush served barbecued ribs to the press, whereas Al Gore provided, at most, a packet of M&M’s. Campaigning with Jacques Chirac was a sort of rolling banquet, with every stop involving a minimum of three courses. Lionel Jospin’s campaign served dry brie baguettes. Why is right-wing campaign food consistently better than left-wing campaign food?
If the left can’t deliver something basic as decent grub on their own, what makes you think they can run your country?
