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  • Albert Mohler Faces Reality

    And not a moment too soon either:

    Evangelicals appear to be headed for some kind of marginalization, and this will hurt. Nevertheless, evangelical Christianity began on the margins of society and only in fairly recent decades moved into the mainstream. As it turns out, our cultural influence may wane and our options for recovering that influence may be both few and ineffectual.

    When I look at this piece, I see a mirror image of Paul Krugman’s admission of death panels: I told you so, but now someone of note breaks down and admits it.  The big difference is that I think the left’s leadership has known their end game of universal poverty all along, while the leadership on the right has believed pretty much what they said.

    Since Mohler is finally facing reality, I’ve got a few comments to perhaps push others (and maybe him, who knows) forward:

    1. Evangelicals have never been the “mainstream” they’ve thought themselves to be except in the South.  The “Main Line” churches are aptly named, but their decline is more precipitous even with their apparent (to Mohler) triumph vis-a-vis the culture.  And evangelicalism has always been a non-starter in the upper reaches of the society with a few exceptions.
    2. The form of Christianity which has always trashed “cultural Christianity” needs to quit fixating on changing the culture.  You can’t have a Christian culture without cultural Christianity.
    3. Following that, we need to realise that we are on our own; our country doesn’t want us any more and we should find ways to stop “feeding the beast” at every opportunity.  That means we should reconsider our attitude towards military service, civil marriage, immigration, etc.
    4. We must decouple our religion with upward social mobility.  That should be easy in a society where secular forces have made the latter difficult.
    5. We should recognise the fact that some of our children may be better off emigrating.  Many of our ancestors came here for religious freedom; it’s no dishonour if their descendants leave for the same reason.  We’ve implicitly bought into the idea that the “American Dream” is primarily economic; it is not.
    6. The clock is running faster on this “system of things” than our opponents care to admit.  Their financial profligacy, on par with their sexual, combined with regulation strangulation and the slow economy that results, cannot be sustained.  Their “cred” is largely dependent upon their ability to “deliver the goodies”; that running out is the best opportunity to level the playing field once again, if we are ready to take advantage of that, which at this point we are not.

    What is coming will not be fun.  But, as my Computational Fluid Dynamics professor said, we’ve been dealt certain cards; we need to play them.

  • Millions of Dead Fish, Part II

    Well, we may not be quite up to 106, but

    A federal mandate to remove old, abandoned oil and gas rigs in the Gulf of Mexico is blowing up a lot more than just the rigs.

    Undercover video obtained by Local 15 shows thousands of pounds of dead fish, mostly red snapper, floating to the surface after one of the controversial demolitions in the Gulf.

    “Good Lord,” marine scientist Dr. Bob Shipp said, when Local 15 showed him the video. “As a scientist, I think it’s abominable.”

    Back in 2010 my piece on the Deepwater Horizon disaster–not so far west from this fiasco–was entitled Millions of Dead Fish for this reason:

    I’ve documented on this blog and related ones some of the “interesting” business trips I have taken, especially outside the US.  One of those took place in 1980, when my brother and I, fresh from an offshore technology exhibit at Earl’s Court, took a plane to Hamburg to meet with a prospective German representative for our company…our prospective rep and we discussed a topic of mutual interest: a hydraulic pile driving hammer suitable for driving underwater piles for offshore oil platforms.  We saw it as competition to our steam hammers.  But our host was confident that this new technology wouldn’t be a problem.  He observed that, should there be a hydraulic hose breakage, the oil would spew out, and there would be “millions of dead fish.”

    We in the oil industry have always been considered beyond the pale by the environmental movement.  Now we have the sorry spectacle of fish kills in the name of environmentalism–because the appearance of the platforms offends the sensibilities of the environmentalists.  This is so even though every platform, active or abandoned, is an artificial reef and a breeding/feeding ground for marine life like the red snapper who are suffering genocide with the platform removal.

    Too much of the environmental movement is about offending the sensibilities of the environmentalists and not about promoting real progress for life on the earth.  And that especially includes human life.

  • Paul Krugman's Moment of Truth About Death Panels

    Every now and then the smallest man in Princeton blurts it out:

    And in a rare glimpse of candor, Krugman appealed to a more “progressive” way of keeping health care costs down:

     “We won’t be able to pay for the kind of government the society will want without some increase in taxes on the middle class, maybe a value added tax. And we’re also going to have to make decisions about health care, not pay for health care that has no demonstrated medical benefits. So the snarky version, which I shouldn’t even say because it will get me in trouble, is death panels and sales taxes is how we do this.”

    Readers will remember the horror which greeted Sarah Palin over her observation re death panels.  But perhaps, with nothing else to do one night, Krugman Googled this from my 2009 piece First Dollar, Last Dollar: An Employer’s View of the Shameful Campaign of the Left Against Whole Foods’ John Mackey’s Health Care Alternative:

    The left hates to admit it, but without “death panels” or other premature induced life terminations, there’s no way to swing their idea financially, especially in the “zero-sum” economy which they are constructing through higher taxation and regulation.
    Oh yes, they do know this.
  • The Class Struggle Finally Comes to America

    With a vengeance:

    The striking similarities between what happened to black Americans at an earlier stage in our history and what is happening now to white working-class Americans may shed new light on old debates about cultural versus structural explanations of poverty. What’s clear is that economic opportunity, while not the only factor affecting marriage, clearly matters.

    One of the things that has separated the American left from its European counterpart is that the latter, following “Karl and Fred” have emphasised the reduction of differences in socio-economic class and economic inequality over the identity politics Americans obsess with (race, gender, sexual orientation, etc).

    Well, it looks like that obsession–coupled with our other obsession of sexual freedom–has shifted the central issue at last, although that’s not obvious if we look at the agenda these days of same-sex civil marriage, immigration reform and the like.  But I think it’s fair to say that our elites only talk a good game about economic equality–the system as it’s set up benefits them so much that they’d really take a hit if they actually did something worthwhile about it.

    For all the analysis in the article re why this has taken place, there’s no evidence that the solution adopted by the broad base of society–single, mostly female parenting–is going to do anything but perpetuate the problem.  In the end there are two solutions to this–either people must buck their culture and form stable families as an exemplar, or they must rebel and take what they think is theirs.

    This is the opportunity of Christian churches.  But as long as we waste time on trying to take back our culture and not changing it where we’re at–a much harder, long-term process in a world where instant results are the only ones anybody cares about–we’re not going to contribute to this in a positive way.

  • Jesus' Triumphal Entry: Not in Palm Beach

    Our Lord wept over Jerusalem, but what about this:

    Police Officer Lorie Minot talks with Jason Pennington from Wild 95.5, who rode Paco, the donkey, over the Royal Park Bridge from West Palm Beach Wednesday morning. Minot gave him a verbal warning not to bring a donkey to the island again. Photo by Kelley Fernandez

    My last Palm Sunday piece concerned the custom of the palm crosses at Bethesda-by-the-Sea.  Evidently it’s just as well Bethesda stuck with palm crosses; a real triumphal entry into Palm Beach would have been met, not by the Pharisees, but the Palm Beach police.  And it would have been about the donkey.

    Or would it?  Maybe the parable about the rich man and Lazarus is just too much for the place…

  • The Republicans Finally Figure it Out on the Sequester

    It took long enough:

    In November 2011, President Obama lamented that “some in Congress are trying to undo these automatic spending cuts” that were part of that August’s deal to raise the debt limit. “My message to them is simple:  No.  I will veto any effort to get rid of those automatic spending cuts to domestic and defence spending.  There will be no easy off ramps on this one.”

    Now, it’s Obama who is looking for an off ramp. With the automatic spending cuts about to go into effect, the Associated Press reports, “President Barack Obama will ask Congress to come up with tens of billions of dollars in short-term spending cuts and tax revenue to put off the automatic across the board cuts that are scheduled to kick in March 1, White House officials said Tuesday.”

    The press has been filled with stories about how the Republican Party is on the ropes these days.  Much of that is due to the Republicans’ bad habit of taking fixed positions and doggedly fighting for them even when they consistently lose the war.

    Now it looks like someone is thinking on their feet.  The key to this is the Republicans’ willingness to allow major cuts in defence spending.  Obama and his people were unprepared for this volte-face, but for the party that depends upon government doled patronage, the sequester is a potential disaster.

    The truth of the matter is that the Republicans should have called his bluff back in December and adjourned the House when the “fiscal cliff” negotiations reached an impasse.  As I noted then, there was plenty of time to deal with the economic blow-back before the next election.  But it’s better late than never.

    One thing that may be making things easier on Republicans to accept deep defence cuts is their weariness with what Bob Dole used to call “another Democrat war”, in this case the continuing debacle in Afghanistan.  The military is still primarily a “red state” institution, manned and womaned by people from same red states, and it gets depressing to see people continuing to come home in body bags while we pursue “legalised” assassination of American citizens and the other delightful things our government promotes.  Liberals always wonder why their conservative counterparts persist in their loyalties; maybe the conservatives are starting to wonder themselves.

  • Old Hickory Falls Out of Favour in his own Party

    All glory is fleeting, I suppose:

    Andrew Jackson, the president whose divisive political instincts would shape the Democratic Party for generations, was born less than 20 miles from here, in the Waxhaw region between the Carolinas.

    Until the 1980s, “Old Hickory” was considered a near-great president, just a few notches below Washington, Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt, by the academics who are surveyed on such things, according to Curt Nichols, a leading expert on presidential rankings.

    Now, with progressives rather than populists dominating presidential popularity polls, Jackson’s reputation has taken a tumble, Nichols said: “Jackson is now commonly regarded as our 13th or 14th greatest president, right about where experts place James Polk and Bill Clinton.”

    The key to understanding is ethnic: “Jackson was a son of Scots-Irish immigrant parents who came to America two years before his birth.” The Scots-Irish have fallen out of favour in a major way with our elites because they embody an individual road to personal freedom when our elites are obsessed with collectivism (just think about Barack Obama’s fake inaugural speech).  They hate doing what they’re being told to do (Jackson himself took his stand by refusing to polish the boots of a British officer during the Revolutionary War) and our elites, for all of their blather about choices and freedom, want a populace that does just that.

    It’s not an accident that Jackson is being compared to Polk and Clinton, two other Scots-Irish worthies who have occupied the White House.

    Jackson is certainly not faultless.  He pushed hard for the Cherokee Removal, which was one of the greatest human rights violations perpetrated by our Federal government (and, sadly, not the last).  And it can be frustrating dealing with people whose first impulse is rebellion.  But the Scots-Irish, exasperating as they can be, have outlasted their critics, and Andrew Jackson’s star may rise again–although it may take the end of the Republic and its historical arbiters to make that happen.

    P.S. A recent comment re my post Should Christians Drink? also brings the issue of the Scots-Irish back into focus.  “John Small Berries” obviously thinks my thesis re these people and drinking is ridiculous, although no more so than the handlebar moustache he sports in his Gravatar.  But this is what happens when the needs/preferences of one ethnic group comes to dominate an entire country or religion.  I think that this kind of one-sided domination is unfortunate, but that’s the history of the Celts: either they are totally in control or they are in a state of abject ruin, and there is no middle ground.  (Think the transition from Fort Sumter to Appomattox, Alesia, the Republic of Ireland, etc.)

  • In Defence–Really Praise–of Scholasticism

    In a recent comment on my page Think Before You Convert “KYCath” (I assume that means Kentucky Catholic) there was the following:

    In short, Wills exposes how the original infrastructures of the Catholic Church morphed and transformed over the ages, so that original dogmas–and the understanding of their meaning thereof–changed to the point where the interpretations of dogma today DO NOT match the interpretations of dogma expressed in the Church centuries ago. Eastern Orthodoxy deliberately avoided “engineering” theology the way the Catholic Church did for precisely this reason. Scholasticism, as an approach to theology, necessarily involves the formation of intellectual constructs to “explain away” what simply should just be accepted upon faith.

    There’s a mouthful here, some of which is good but much of which needs to be challenged.

    The good part concerns her statement that “the Catholic Church morphed and transformed over the ages”.  That’s certainly true.  It’s interesting to note that, in the years leading up to Vatican II, many Roman Catholic thinkers (especially the French) attempted to revive Patristic studies and tug the Church away from some of its mediaeval and post-mediaeval accretions and get it back to a construct closer to the source.  The main practical impact of those studies resulted in the Novus Ordo Missae which, although re-translated with confusion following, is still the approved liturgy in Roman Catholicism.  But a lot of other stuff got lost in the confusion following Vatican II, and there’s little indication that the current management is interested in retracing these steps now.

    I would dispute her assertion re Eastern Orthodoxy.  The Orthodox (irrespective of what side of Chalcedon they sit) assert that their idea and way comes straight from the Apostles.  But they too have some baggage, and occasionally that baggage gets called out, even by their own people.  They may not be intellectually adventurous, but you don’t need that to drift.

    But intellectual adventures bring me to my main point: I think some defence of Scholasticism is in order here.  I’m not an uninterested party to this discussion either: absorbing Scholasticism (esp. Thomas Aquinas) was a major preoccupation for about two years plus of my Christian life, and I can say without fear of contradiction that, without it, I probably wouldn’t be a Christian today.  Scholasticism, for all of its weaknesses (and they are certainly present) is a lot stronger framework than its opponents would admit.

    Let me begin by outlining the basic structure of St. Thomas Aquinas’ method.  He worked with what is generally called the “disputed question” method.  This doesn’t mean that what’s under discussion is being heatedly argued about, like we would do these days, but that there were two sides (and sometimes nuances) of these positions. First he would set forth positions against the one he was planning to take.  Those positions could be argued with Scripture, philosophy, the teaching of the Church, etc.  Then he would offer at least one (in some works more) arguments against these first positions (the “sed contra”).  Then he would explain his own position, and refute the objections already stated.  Sometimes he would even make objections or qualifications to position(s) in the “sed contra” if they were in error or misleading.  Some of his works are simply written in the disputed question style, others (like the Disputed Questions on Truth)  were actually disputed with real people offering objections and points to the “sed contra”.  His most famous disputed question is one about the existence of God that is at the beginning of the Summa Theologiae, but they’re all pretty much structured the same.

    This is a rigorous technique, sometimes hard to follow and very Spartan in prose.  It is not the only way Scholastics operated; a more accessible Scholastic is Moses Maimonides, whose command of the original Hebrew Scriptures and his élan make him easier to understand.  Maimonides finds his way into St. Thomas’ disputes often, as do the Fathers of the Church such as Augustine and Origen, Muslim scholars such as Avicenna and Averroes, and of course the Greeks such as Plato and Aristotle, the last of which Aquinas is generally associated with.

    Having laid that groundwork, let me state the reasons why I think the Scholastics, particularly Aquinas, have not been equalled in Christian theology.

    The first is that they are logical.   St. Thomas, in conjunction with my engineering studies going on at the same time, taught me how to think, resulting in observations such as this.  In an age when Christianity is constantly bombarded with accusations of being irrational, it’s a strong comeback.

    The second is that they have an objective.  That’s not a given in any philosophical or theological goal.  It’s all too easy for either of these to go into the fray assuming that a) there is no solution or b) the solution is unknowable or c) both.  Aquinas’ method forces him to come to a conclusion, even if that solution seems to be difficult or excessively nuanced.  As G.K. Chesterton noted in his excellent book St. Thomas Aquinas: ‘The Dumb Ox’, his philosophy is the philosophy of common sense.  (I highly recommend Chesterton’s treatment of this subject).  That girded me to respond to people like this and others in an age which is duplicitously relative.

    The third is that they encouraged me to read the Scriptures.  As an Episcopalian, it was beneath us to read the Scriptures through like the “Bible thumpers” did, but the endless references to the Word in Aquinas and other theologians forced me to do just that in the middle of my undergraduate experience.  But while doing that, I also discovered the importance of the proper context of same scriptures.  That inspired my statement in this piece that Evangelicals had painted themselves into a corner with their hermeneutic.  At the risk of making a few people mad, I think this deserves an explanation.

    Evangelicals like to compare, conflate or however they make the analogy between the living Word (Jesus Christ) and the written Word (the Bible), although the latter is no less living than the former (cf. Hebrews 4:12).  What they overlook is that both are incarnational, i.e., the divine becoming flesh and dwelling among us.  Both are an accommodation to our human, material state, an accommodation that many religions and philosophies current in New Testament times (and still today) believe is impossible. They are perfection brought to our level, and it is as difficult to quantify and qualify now as in earlier times.

    People don’t live in an abstract construct, but ultimately one is necessary if one is to make sense of the world around us and to put it into an orderly, understandable framework.  That’s true in the physical sciences and it’s true in other contexts as well.  That was the role that Greek philosophy played in the Patristic Era and in the Scholastic one, although the mix of Greeks varied in time.  There’s nothing wrong with that construct not being in the exact structure of the Scriptures as long as the results are in conformance with its truth.  Doing otherwise leads to the imposition of a structure that was never intended to be used for the purpose, which is a serious shortcoming of “Protestant theology”.  On the other hand we have the example of Islam, whose view of the Qur’an as the image of the  “mother of the Book” is a deficient attempt to replicate an incarnational theology in a religion that basically doesn’t have one.  That separation is one reason, I think, why Islam more emphatically rejected the thinking of its own Scholastics than Christianity has, with the results they have to show for it.

    The fourth is that the Scholastics have helped me to avoid some of the sillier/more dangerous trends in the church.  The most significant of those are the Manichean tendencies we see too often.  Evil, far from being an active force, is simply the lack of good.  On a practical level that helped me to avoid the “devil under every rock” mentality we see in Charismatic circles.

    The Manichean issue brings up the people within Christianity who have been Scholasticism’s most persistent opponents.  On one side are the Augustianians, both ones within Catholicism (such as those in Aquinas’ day and the Jansenists) and those who branched out (the Reformed theology fans).  The latter especially have never liked Aquinas’ attempt to wrestle with predestination vs. free will and the Fall (as books like Francis Schaeffer’s Escape from Reason are evidence of) or his (or anyone else’s) use of Greek philosophy.

    On the other side are the liberals, who dislike any theology that comes to a firm conclusion, even when they are dogmatic about their own idea.  One of the priests who advised our Newman Association expressed his view that too many Thomists ran the Church and made it the rigid, dogmatic institution it was (which it wasn’t in the 1970’s).

    Bringing up the Reformation brings up two points that need to be made.  The first is that Scholasticism, after Aquinas, went into something of a decline and lost its edge.  The long-term result was stuff like the opinions probables of the Jesuits, justifiably attacked by Pascal and the Jansenists.  The second is its over-reliance on Aristotle as an authority.  Because of that the Church was caught flat-footed when the Copernican model of the universe began to be accepted (although, as John Dillenberger pointed in Protestant Thought and Natural Science, many of their Protestant counterparts didn’t respond much more gracefully).

    Many people point out that, in his last years, St. Thomas Aquinas had a mystical vision and stopped most of his writing after that.  But we need to answer the question: was that vision a departure from what he was doing before or just the end product?  People these days like to debate about whether an activity is more about the journey or the destination.  Ultimately, as Dante (an Aquinan par excellence) put it poetically, our union with God is the destination, but the journey can be a combination of mystical, intellectual or other types of experiences and encounters with our heavenly Father so long as we get where we’re going.  The journey of Scholasticism, for both the Church and me personally, was a rewarding one, because it was good in an of itself and because it has led me to the Destination.

  • Book Review: Richard Hofstader's The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays

    Political analysis and punditry can date awfully quickly.  Nevertheless–and this is especially true in a place like the United States, whose structural continuity is exceptional–some pieces of political prose, especially when written in a historical context, can have relevance for several generations.

    One of those analyses–actually a series of essays not originally intended to be a corpus–is Richard Hofstader’s The Paranoid Style in American Politics: And Other Essays.  It’s one of those books, for better or worse, whose influence has not waned in the years since its first publication in the mid-1960’s (some of the essays go back further than that).  It’s one of those works, for the left at least, that leaves you wondering why anyone bothers writing on the subjects again, except that a) the names change and b) they need the money.

    The book is made up of six of Hofstader’s essays, divided into two sets of three.  The first are “Studies in the American Right”, which leaves the reader no doubt where Hofstader’s sympathies lie.  The first essay is, of course, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics”, and the other two concern the campaign and defeat of Barry Goldwater in 1964, along with an analysis of the “pseudo-conservative” (to use Hofstader’s distinction of the Goldwater right from the moderates in the Republican party who opposed him) movement.  And this is where the relevance comes in: depending upon how you look at it, Hofstader either nails the right so well that everyone who comes after him cribs him to be correct, or that his view of “flyover country” is so congenial to the left that they no longer have to think of another model to use (which is why, I think, liberals often refer to this piece in their own analyses).

    All of the usual actors are in place: the militant anti-communists, the religious right, the small business people, the less educated, the emotionalist–all of them find a place in Hofstader’s knave’s gallery of which he presents a sweeping view.  Hofstader, to be fair, does not believe that the paranoid style is the exclusive franchise of the right.  But he hardly spends enough time on their left-wing counterparts to leave any doubt of where he thinks the home of paranoia in American politics lies.  One thing he consoles himself with is a) Goldwater managed to alienate such a large part of the electorate and b) their commitment to their cause without regard for political consequences indicates that their 1964 performance with Goldwater would be repeated in the future.

    Or would it? In the second series of essays, “Some problems in the Modern Era”, he deals with three topics which don’t get a good deal of treatment these days.  The first concerns the Spanish-American War and our entry into imperialism, one which was uncharacteristic (for foreign imperialism at least) up to that time.  The last is devoted to William “Coin” Harvey, his “Financial School” and the subject of bimetallism, where he is able to capture a conspiracy style of thinking that has resurfaced in differing forms.  But his treatment of the intricacies of bimetallism, something that is difficult for those of us who are products of fiat money times may find difficult to grasp, is one of the strong points of the book.

    But it was in the middle essay, on the subject of anti-trust, that the possible future (at that point) of the post-Goldwater Republican right surfaced:

    In politics, of course, it is the right-wingers who really count–it is they who have the numbers, the money, the political leverage.  They can also invoke the old American pieties and can appeal to the kind of old-fashioned American who believes that federal fiscal policy is just like the family budget.  Much of our conservative writing echoes with concern over the decline of the older kind of economic morale, which it identifies with smaller entrepreneurship.  But conservatives understandably fear to make the large corporation the object of their criticism; this smacks too much of subversion.  They have a safer and more congenial outlet against the organisation of modern life in the form of denunciations of big government…

    In this regard Hofstader was prescient, for the conservatives, roundly defeated in 1964, and the Republican Party, trashed by Nixon in Watergate, looked like a lost cause by the mid-1970’s.  But conservatives’ organisation and rootedness in the country’s core ethic–plus finding a more congenial leader in Ronald Reagan who knew “when to hold ’em and when to fold ’em”–put them back in the driver’s seat in the 1980’s and pretty much for the next quarter century.  So how else has Hofstader’s whole model held up?

    Hofstader was right in pointing out the paranoid style in American politics, but he was blind to its relevance on the left.  It wouldn’t be long before that came roaring out in the 1960’s campus revolts which were in part a revolt against liberalism’s own quiescent acceptance of large corporations (something Hofstader also identified).  If there’s one thing the unwashed students didn’t think much of, it was working for “the man”.  Such raw emotionalism resulted in the nervous breakdown that the U.S. experienced in the early 1970’s.  (A more balanced view of American emotionalism can be found here).

    But that, in turn, leads to a more contemporary question: if Barack Obama manages to crush the Republican Party the way he wants to (and, for those who can still count, that would lead to a one-party system) and at the same time break the right once and for all, would we have a better country for it?  Or, to put it another way that would be a fair question Hofstader doesn’t address, how is it that a nation of insane crackpots has been as successful as we have?  The 60’s and post-60’s left in this country hasn’t shown that it understands how to have a growing economy (let alone really wanting one) or a great nation, let alone one with a more even distribution of income (one that existed, by the way, in Hofstader’s day).  They are good at going through their process.  But will that carry the day when the competition is Asia?

    Although Hofstader makes many astute observations about this country, its past and for him its present, one gets the impression that he’s like Biblical scholars who really don’t believe the truth content of the book they’ve devoted their lives to studying but don’t have the grit to find another line of work.  On another level one can only wish that those who pine to make us like Europe would just move there, but that’s another post.  In the meanwhile The Paranoid Style in American Politics: And Other Essays is a “must read” for those who really want to understand where liberals have come from for a long time.

  • "Proud Mary" No Longer Proud to be an American

    Tina Turner calls its quits on the U.S.:

    US pop legend Tina Turner, who has been living in Switzerland since 1995, will soon receive Swiss citizenship and will give up her US passport, Swiss media reported Friday.

    “I’m very happy in Switzerland and I feel at home here. … I cannot imagine a better place to live,” Turner told German language daily Blick.

    Those of us who lived through this era would be hard pressed to forget her and Ike Turner’s performance of “Proud Mary”.  But evidently all the “progress” we’ve made here since then wasn’t enough.  Not even the election of Barack Obama was enough to keep her from renouncing her U.S. citizenship and living in what is still a fabulous place.

    The truth is that, as those who follow Rubin on Tax know, this country has done just about everything it knows how to make life difficult and expensive for expatriates, which is why the rate of citizenship renunciation has increased of late.  As our government closes in on the “one percent” same will find other shores for themselves and their money, so they won’t have to carry the burden of being an “American person”.  And those of us left will be the poorer.

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